Suchergebnisse

The issue concerning whether holding political elections in post-conflict societies necessarily contributes to transitional states democratization is explored. Three factors that significantly influence democratization following political elections are identified: the timing of electoral contests; the design of elections; & the inclusion of political parties. It is contended that holding elections prematurely can threaten democratic sustainability, problematize efforts to coordinate local & national elections, & facilitate political actors illegal assumption of political authority. Questions concerning the administration of transitional electoral contests & whether the electoral system should be based upon proportional representation or centripetal principles, particularly in ethnically diverse societies, are then addressed. Several suggestions for avoiding the formation of polarized political parties are subsequently offered, eg, regulations promoting the composition cross-ethnic & cross-regional political parties should be established & parties can be forced to submit multi-ethnic candidate lists. J. W. Parker

Post-conflict situations face a high risk of reversion to conflict. We investigate the effect of military expenditure by the government during the first decade post-conflict on the risk of reversion. We contrast two theories as to the likely effects. In one, military spending deters conflict by reducing the prospects of rebel success. In the other it acts as a signal to the rebels of government intentions. In the signalling model, low military spending signals that the government intends to adhere to the terms of the peace settlement and so reduces the risk of renewed rebellion. We investigate the effects of post-conflict military spending on the risk of conflict, using our existing models of military expenditure and of conflict risk. We find that, consistent with the signalling model, high military spending post-conflict significantly increases the risk of renewed conflict. This effect of military spending is distinctive to post-conflict period, and becomes progressively more pronounced over the decade.

Post-conflict situations face a high risk of reversion to conflict. We investigate the effect of military expenditure by the government during the first decade post-conflict on the risk of reversion. We contrast two theories as to the likely effects. In one, military spending deters conflict by reducing the prospects of rebel success. In the other it acts as a signal to the rebels of government intentions. In the signalling model, low military spending signals that the government intends to adhere to the terms of the peace settlement and so reduces the risk of renewed rebellion. We investigate the effects of post-conflict military spending on the risk of conflict, using our existing models of military expenditure and of conflict risk. We find that, consistent with the signalling model, high military spending post-conflict significantly increases the risk of renewed conflict. This effect of military spending is distinctive to post-conflict period, and becomes progressively more pronounced over the decade.

This article assesses the identity politics of language in post-conflict Northern Ireland, where language debates at a political level have been encased in questions of identity. However, despite the continued existence of ethnocentric narratives around language, opportunities have emerged for individuals to cross linguistic barriers and challenge the perspective that certain languages 'belong' to certain communities.

The article presents the results of a media-analytical study of information flows in Ukraine and in the "new" subjects of the Russian Federation – Crimea and Sevastopol. The relevance of the study of post-conflict societies is dictated by the fact that in the digital era, an effective military solution must be supported by participation in the formation of the information agenda and management of information flows. The cases of color revolutions allow to speak of communication as a factor in the formation of unconventional social attitudes. The results of the study carried out by the authors show that in the condition of the crisis in society, communication networks are formed often due to the external influence. Information flows of a post-conflict society are formed not only from real events of everyday life and the existing socio-political situation, but also focusing on a number of topics and discourses that must be present in the media field without fail. They act as information triggers, system trigger tools that form a different streaming of flows, which were differentiated by the authors as single – and multi-wave. The analysis of the identified flows, that represent communicative network structures, testifies to the different genesis of their emergence and functioning, but the determining factor in this process is the geopolitical request for the formation of media tracks. The authors come to conclusion that the information flows of post-conflict societies are communicative-political structures of a dual nature: they initially carry the ideas of an open and democratic society, but then form conflict situations in the civil and media fields.

Five case studies of international involvement in demilitarization/reconstruction processes are reviewed: Somalia (UNOSOM & UNITAF); Rhodesia/Zimbabwe; former Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR); Cambodia (UNTAC); and Mozambique (ONUMOZ). A central defect of these studies is that they do not include broader issues in their consideration of peace, nor do they contain any indications of the conditions for its sustenance in the post-settlement stage. Managing arms is only one aspect of a peace process. The transition process is more usefully conceptualized as a multifaceted one, in which military, political, psycho-social, humanitarian, as well as economic questions are seen as closely interwoven.

This volume explores questions of rebuilding governance in post-conflict societies from an interdisciplinary perspectives, focusing on three interconnected gaps that arise in fragile states: deficits in legitimacy, effectiveness, and security.